Muslim Arab Sudanese the Janjaweed militia group systematically targeted, displaced, and murdered Muslim black Sudanese individuals within the Darfur region. The victims are generally from non-Arab tribal groups. According to the United Human Rights Council, over villages were completely destroyed through the conflict, forcing mass amounts of civilians to be displaced from their homes.
The Janjaweed would set out to destroy the houses and buildings within the community, shooting the men and gang-raping the women and children. Families would be separated and killed. Those who escaped the brutal onslaught would then be faced with an arduous journey to find refuge. Many citizens fled the violence and relocated to refugee camps within the area and neighboring Chad. According to the Thomson Reuters Foundation, approximately two million individuals are still displaced due to the violence, with the majority having left their homes between and — the height of the conflict.
Malnutrition, starvation and disease were serious concerns. Residents have been able to receive limited humanitarian assistance during the conflict due to the Sudanese government hindering aid efforts within the region and violence against humanitarian programs already in place. According to UNICEF, attacks on humanitarian vehicles, convoys, and compounds are common, impacting the availability of vital aid services.
The lack of jobs available to refugees is due in part to restrictions placed on them by the Chadian government, but also, the economy of the camps and surrounding community has simply not grown to accommodate the refugee community. Ethnic Disparity: Considered to be the first genocide of the 21st century, the Darfur genocide began in after rebels, led mainly by non-Arab Muslim sedentary tribes, including the Fur and Zaghawa, from the region, rose against the government.
They claimed years of inequitable treatment and economic marginalization, among other grievances. The government unleashed Arab militias known as the Janjaweed to attack villages and destroy communities.
Janjaweed attacks were notoriously brutal and invoked a slash and burn policy that included killing and severely injuring the people, burning homes, stealing or burning food and livestock, and poisoning water wells.
Empower affected populations with sustainable livelihood solutions and immediate, informal learning opportunities that will boost their resilience, improve their lives in the Chad refugee camp settings, and translate well in Darfur, should they choose to return. The program has successfully trained over 1, people in Eastern Chad in perma-gardening, improving food consumption, agricultural production, their ability to save money and their mental well-being while indirectly benefiting approximately 3, family members.
Broadcast our advocacy channels to ensure the safe and voluntary return of displaced populations and the presence of necessary services and protections to facilitate their smooth reintegration. Call for the international community to remain engaged throughout the transition from peacekeeping to peacebuilding instead of abandoning its responsibilities at this critical and unstable stage.
JWW came into being as a response to the Darfur genocide. The Darfuris remain a vital cornerstone of our work. Solar Cooker Project: JWW initiated the Solar Cooker Project in as a way of protecting Darfuri women and girls — survivors of the Darfur genocide living as refugees in Eastern Chad — by reducing their dangerous trips outside of the camps in search of firewood for cooking, serving hundreds of thousands of refugees in five camps.
With the installation of inexpensive plastic sheeting and PVC pipes, women in refugee camps turned their family bathing areas into reservoirs for grey-water collection. They used the collected water to irrigate small vegetable patches.
Many schools participated by raising funds to supply one water well, each a lifeline for refugees. The wells were built with local supplies by local labor, organized and led by a JWW partner. The schools, designed to serve over 4, students, were the first of what was conceived as a series of schools to be built in the 12 Darfuri refugee camps in Chad. Backpack Project: This was created so that frightened children in the Oure Cassoni refugee camp in Chad could attend schools run by one of our partners.
JWW distributed over 15, backpacks filled with shoes, books, school supplies, soap and toothpaste to school-aged children. The backpacks allowed each recipient to make the most of school under the most difficult of circumstances. Each backpack also contained something intangible but essential to their well-being: hope. Little Ripples: Along with a partner organization, JWW supported Little Ripples, a preschool program tailored to a population exposed to severe trauma.
Little Ripples provides a safe and nurturing environment for some of the youngest refugees to learn while their parents must leave home during the day to seek out necessities. It serves children. The school has since sought to impact more children through a home-based model called Little Ripple Ponds. Prior to colonisation , several distinct native groups lived freely in the area, including the Herero, the Nama, the Damara, the San, and the Ovambo.
Under German rule, many of these native groups were used as slave labour and had their land confiscated and their cattle stolen. As a result of this treatment, tensions between the native population and the ruling Germans continued to rise.
In January , the Herero population, led by Chief Samuel Maharero, carried out a large armed rebellion against the oppressive German colonial rule. The German ruling forces were unprepared for the attack and approximately German colonial settlers were killed by the Herero. Over the following months, however, the Herero were slowly overwhelmed by the more modern, well-equipped German force under the command of Major Theodor Leutwin.
By June , Major Leutwin had cornered the Herero forces at the Waterberg Plateau and was attempting to negotiate their surrender. On 11 August , Trotha abandoned negotiations for a surrender and attempted an aggressive encirclement tactic, surrounding the Herero at the Battle of Waterberg and killing between 3, — 5, Herero combatants. Yet, despite the brutal tactics of the Germans, most of the Herero managed to escape into the Omaheke desert. Thousands of Herero died from being shot to death, drinking water from poisoned wells, or from thirst and starvation in the desert.
I will no longer take in women or children but will drive them back to their people or have them fired at. These are my words to the Herero people.
By this point, however, many thousands of Herero had already been murdered. In , the Nama people in the south also rose up against the German rule and engaged the colonisers in guerrilla warfare for the following two years. Any Nama that were caught by the Germans were executed or incarcerated in the same concentration camps as the Herero, with extremely high mortality rates.
In total, by the end of the conflict on 31 March , approximately 50, — 65, Herero and 10, Nama had been murdered by the German ruling forces. Soldiers from the Young Turk Ottoman Army escorting thousands of Armenians on lethal marches through the empire. A photograph of Takvor and Yeghisapet Ashjian and their daughters Eugenie, Hamaspur and Mariam, an Armenian family, all of whom were killed in during the Armenian Genocide.
A photograph of an unknown Armenian girl from Shamakhi a city in modern-day Azerbaijan in the nineteenth century, prior to the Armenian Genocide. The Armenian Genocide was the mass murder of at least , and up to 1. The Armenians were a primarily Christian ethnic group who had lived in Eastern Anatolia modern day Eastern Turkey for centuries. At the turn of the twentieth century, approximately two million Armenians lived in the Ottoman Empire, primarily in rural areas although there were also small communities in large urban areas such as Constantinople.
As the First World War loomed, the Ottoman Empire was in a state of decline and as a result had become increasingly polarised. This led to increase in anti-Christian sentiment and amplified the nationalist desire of the Ottoman leaders to create an ethnically homogenous community.
It was hoped that this community would then strengthen the empire through shared beliefs and, as a result, ensure its survival. As the majority of the inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire were Muslim, the Christian Armenians were increasingly seen as outsiders and a threat to the harmony of the empire. During the First World War, the Ottoman Empire joined forces with Germany and Austria-Hungary but suffered several significant defeats and quickly retreated.
To conceal their failure from the public, the Ottoman leaders openly blamed their defeat on Armenians in the region and stated that they had betrayed their empire by fighting for and helping the enemy forces.
This deliberate falsehood acted as a catalyst and justification for the genocide of the Armenian people, whereby the CUP government used the emergency wartime conditions to create a more ethnically homogenous community.
As a result of this, Armenian soldiers were catagorised as a direct threat to the Ottoman war effort, removed from the Ottoman army, and massacred. The intellectual elite of Armenian society concentrated in areas such as Constantinople were also rounded up, imprisoned and later murdered. The remaining Armenians, primarily women, the elderly and children, were relocated from strategically important areas and forcibly marched to the Deir ez-Zor by Ottoman forces and local collaborators.
As a result of these conditions, thousands died. Young girls and women were also occasionally spared for forced labour as domestic servants, to become wives in Muslim households or to be used as sex slaves. Those who survived the death marches were imprisoned in camps, such as at Deir ez-Zor or Ras al-Ayn, where conditions were extremely poor and many thousands died of disease and malnutrition.
Between March and October , there was another wave of executions, and as many as , more people were murdered.
While recognising that mass deportations of Armenians took place during the First World War, Turkey continues to insist that these were necessary security measures as a result of Armenian treachery and violence and do not amount to state-sponsored genocide or mass extermination. The Khmer Rouge were led by Pol Pot and held radical totalitarian beliefs. They wanted to create a classless, rural, agricultural society where personal property, currency, religion and individuality did not exist.
The Khmer Rouge began to implement this vision immediately after taking power on 17 April People associated in any significant way with the previous government, religion, or education, as well as members of ethnic cleansing , were targeted for persecution, imprisonment, torture and murder. The Khmer Rouge created prisons, which were de facto execution centres. Some Cambodians were also exploited as forced labourers by the regime and died as a result of over-work and malnutrition.
Later, as the economic situation worsened and paranoia increased, the Khmer Rouge also began to execute members of its own party for failing to achieve the unrealistic agricultural aims or for being supposed foreign spies. Following the genocide Cambodia continued to be politically unstable.
Although there was significant evidence of the atrocities, the Cold War continued to dominate international concerns, and many Western countries were openly hostile to the new Vietnamese installed communist government. The Genocide Memorial in Kigali, the capital of Rwanda, which commemorates the Rwandan genocide. The remains of over , people are buried here. The Genocide against the Tutsi refers to the mass murder of up to one million people, primarily Tutsi , between 7 April and 15 July The genocide was carried out by extremist Hutu army officers using military forces in Rwanda, with widespread collaboration and assistance from civilians, the local police, and the institutions of government.
Historically, the Tutsi formed the ruling class in Rwanda, with a Tutsi King ruling within a feudal system. In , the German forces agreed an alliance with the Rwandan Tutsi King, and ruled the country through the Tutsi monarchy. Following the First World War, under a League of Nations mandate, Rwanda came under control of Belgium, who continued to support the monarchy and maintain Tutsi rule.
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